President Trump has nevertheless non mentioned the Bill of Rights equally President. No President has gone too therefore long into his get-go term without doing too therefore since Dwight Eisenhower. (It took Ike to a greater extent than than a twelvemonth to elevate the Bill of Rights for the get-go time.) Why create I convey this up? It's clearly a symbolic betoken that, I think, says something well-nigh his mindset well-nigh civil liberties.
In my upcoming book on the Bill of Rights, I beak at length well-nigh how the symbolic pregnant of that thought has changed over the centuries. In this post, I desire to beak over 1 business office of that story. What is the lesson that nosotros should select away from the fact that the American Bill of Rights is currently defined equally the get-go 10 constitutional amendments ratified inwards 1791?
I enjoin "currently" because, equally the mass explains, for most of our history the Bill of Rights was non defined inwards this way. Indeed, the thought that the Bill of Rights is the get-go 10 amendments became did non dice settled police until 1971. Justice Hugo Black left the Supreme Court inwards that year, too he was the terminal important legal figure to insist that the Bill of Rights was NOT the get-go 10 amendments. (Sometimes he said it was the get-go viii amendments, too sometimes he said that other constitutional provisions beyond those should last included.)
One thought is that nosotros telephone phone the get-go 10 amendments the Bill of Rights because they are the most of import constitutional provisions (or rights). But this cannot last right. What well-nigh the Fourteenth Amendment? Or the ones that expanded the correct to vote? Are they actually less of import than, say, the Third Amendment or the Seventh? Hardly. Or how well-nigh equally compared to landmark statutes such equally the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the Social Security Act, too and therefore on.
Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 ameliorate explanation is that the get-go 10 amendments are considered distinctive because they split upwards of come upwards from the Framers (or, at least, from the generation of the Framers). Consider, though, what this implies. It implies that the greatest legal achievements that deserve a exceptional championship all occurred inwards the eighteenth century. Is that true? I would enjoin definitely no. In effect, fifty-fifty those who spend upwards originalism enjoin "yes" (though unwittingly) yesteryear accepting the electrical current Definition of the Bill of Rights.
Would the police last unlike if the Bill of Rights was redefined? Not formally. Constitutional rights too statutes direct keep the same formal say-so whether they are inwards the Bill of Rights or not. But the informal say-so of a legal clause is almost sure enough enhanced yesteryear that exceptional recognition. (Otherwise, why bother having such a championship at all?) Would a instance such equally Shelby County have come upwards out the same way, for example, if the Voting Rights Act was seen equally business office of the Bill of Rights? Maybe. But perchance not.
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